After 16 years of rule by Viktor Orbán, Hungary is entering a period of profound transformation, with the country’s media system expected to undergo sweeping changes following the election victory of Péter Magyar and his TISZA party, WirtualneMedia writes.

Over more than a decade, Orbán’s government systematically reshaped the media environment through legislative reforms and the construction of a loyal ownership network tied to pro-government business figures. According to experts, this was not a sudden takeover but a long-term strategy that ultimately brought around 80 percent of Hungary’s media under direct or indirect political control.

A key pillar of this system was the creation in 2010 of the National Media and Infocommunications Authority, whose leadership is appointed with a two-thirds parliamentary majority for a nine-year term. The authority’s chair also heads the Media Council, giving the ruling majority significant influence over regulation and oversight.

With TISZA securing a constitutional majority, the new government has the power to rapidly introduce legislative and structural reforms. Analysts expect immediate personnel changes, particularly in regulatory bodies and public media institutions. Magyar has already called on senior officials associated with the previous administration to resign, warning they will otherwise be removed.

Public broadcasters, operating under the umbrella of Duna Médiaszolgáltató, are likely to be among the first to change hands. Under Orbán, they were widely criticized for acting as government propaganda outlets. Observers suggest they could now be repositioned as platforms supporting transparency and democratic renewal.

However, public media represent only one part of a much broader and more complex system. During Orbán’s tenure, pro-government oligarchs steadily acquired private media outlets, often targeting financially weakened organizations. One of the most notable cases was the 2016 closure of the opposition daily Népszabadság after its acquisition by businessman Lőrinc Mészáros. Other outlets, such as Index.hu and Origo.hu, also saw editorial independence eroded following ownership changes and political pressure.

Independent media that resisted acquisition faced economic pressure. For example, commercial broadcaster RTL Group’s Hungarian channel RTL was hit by a punitive advertising tax in 2014, widely seen as an attempt to weaken its position due to its independent news coverage.

The consolidation of pro-government media reached its peak in 2018 with the creation of the Central European Press and Media Foundation, a conglomerate that brought together hundreds of outlets—including newspapers, websites, radio stations, and TV channels—under a single structure. Although formally private, it was designated as being of “strategic national importance,” exempting it from standard competition rules and effectively cementing a pro-government media bloc unprecedented within the European Union.

KESMA’s operations relied heavily on advertising revenue from state-owned companies and public institutions, while critical outlets were systematically excluded from these funding streams, undermining their financial sustainability.

Experts now expect the new government to dismantle KESMA, though the process will be legally and politically complex. Questions remain over whether its assets will be privatized, redistributed, or restructured, and how a genuinely pluralistic media market can be rebuilt after years of concentration.

Another key uncertainty is the behavior of media-owning oligarchs. Analysts suggest many could quickly adapt to the new political reality, softening their editorial lines or aligning with the incoming power to protect their business interests.

The transition period itself—lasting nearly a month under Hungarian law—may also see significant repositioning, as stakeholders attempt to secure their assets or shift allegiances before reforms take effect.

Rebuilding the media market will not be straightforward. Experts point out that the media business is economically fragile, and identifying credible, independent domestic investors may prove difficult. This raises the possibility of renewed interest from foreign media groups, particularly from Western Europe or the United States, though it remains uncertain whether companies that previously exited Hungary will be willing to return.

As Hungary embarks on this new political chapter, the restructuring of its media system will be one of the most closely watched tests of the government’s commitment to restoring pluralism, transparency, and democratic norms.